Koose Munuswamy Veerappan ruled the jungles across three states for close to three decades, killing more than a thousand elephants, felling tens of thousands of sandalwood trees and finishing off just anyone who tried to stop him. And then, on Oct 18, 2004, he took three bullets, one each on the forehead, hip and rib.
Media reports said many in ‘Veerappan villages’ mourned; many others celebrated the end of the brigand.
The battle to kill or capture Veerappan is estimated to have cost Tamil Nadu and Karnataka more tha 100 crore (not to mention ransoms allegedly paid by govts and politicians).
And all through the deadly cat-and-mouse game, Veerappan and the govts claimed they were fighting for a better tomorrow for people in and around the forests.
So, how have things changed in the tribal areas in the districts of Erode, Coimbatore, Nilgiris, Dharmapuri, Krishnagiri and Salem, where Veerappan and his gang once ruled?
First the positives. The region has now got roads, electricity, primary health centres and ration shops. “As long as Veerappan was alive, most govtofficials didn’t have the guts to enter these areas.
Since his death, the state has been bringing tribals into mainstream, however small the efforts are,” says P Sivasubramaniam, the first Tamil journalist who met Veerappan in the early 1990s.
The second positive is a reduction in police atrocities. S Balamurugan, advocate and a member of People’s Union of Civil Liberties whose book ‘Sholagar Dhotti’ documents police brutality during the Veerappan hunt, says almost all the people arrested in the Veerappan case have either been acquitted or have died in prison.
A third positive is that the govt is giving pattas to at least some people who were displaced by the two-decadelong hunt for Veerappan. Arputharaj, coordinator of Karnataka State Martalli Tamil Association, says people who returned to their lands hoping to rebuild their lives find themselves being called encroachers.
“This is because when people left their villages, they didn’t have pattas. We are now fighting for pattas and in someplaces the govt has indeed given them,” he says.
Now, for the not-so-good changes since Veerappan was shot dead. Realtors have replaced the tribals who moved out of their homes, after being caught between Veerappan and police. Resorts have mushroomed without any regulation in the forests, says Sivasubramaniam.
Tribal activist V P Gunasekaran too says the tribals are being pushed out of their traditional habitations. “People from the mainland after buying lands here cultivate cash crops such as plantain, tomato instead of millets.
These cash crops consume a lot of water from the hills, which affects both people and wildlife,” he says. Even 18 years after the enactment of the Forest Rights Act (FRA), tribals are still facing difficulties in accessing minor forest produce like honey.
“So, young and old have moved to places such as Val parai and Munnarto work as labourers on tea estates,” says Gunasekaran. He wants a separate tribal development department instead of the portfolio being attached to the adi dravidar department. “Only then can tribals get at least priority group ration cards. Our counterparts in Karnataka are well taken care of. They even get eggs and ghee as rations,” he adds.
Karnataka has also created a new wildlife sanctuary, Malai Mahadeshwara, and launched a jungle safari in Cauvery wildlife sanctuary to woo tourists and create jobs for tribals.
No such measures have been taken in the Tamil Nadu part of the forests that Veerappan ruled over, says Sivasubramaniam. But tribals in Tamil Nadu are unhappy with the forest department for another reason.
“When Veerappan was alive, we used to take our cattle inside the forests for grazing. Then there were no restrictions. But now forest officials have started to fine us.
Because of such restrictions we end up selling our cattle,” says Govindan of Dharmapuri, who used to have more than 150 head of cat-tle. He now has just 20 to 30. However, Gunasekaran says that in places where forest officials have a humanitarian approach and are aware of the FRA, tribals get a better deal.
What about the younger generation? How does it see Veerappan? Anburaj, a former associate of Veerappan who spent 18 years in prison and now works with tribals in Anthiyur block of Erode district, says some caste and fringe political groups eulogise the forest brigand to reap political mileage. “Youth are falling prey to social media narratives.
Unless they undergo proper education, another Veerappan can rise in these forests,” says Anburaj. He wants a separate education system for tribals, alleging that the govt-run residential schools in tribal hamlets are ineffective as most teachers don’t want to work there.
For now, it appears rehabilitation of the victims of the Veerappan saga will not be complete even in another 20 years.
Media reports said many in ‘Veerappan villages’ mourned; many others celebrated the end of the brigand.
The battle to kill or capture Veerappan is estimated to have cost Tamil Nadu and Karnataka more tha 100 crore (not to mention ransoms allegedly paid by govts and politicians).
And all through the deadly cat-and-mouse game, Veerappan and the govts claimed they were fighting for a better tomorrow for people in and around the forests.
So, how have things changed in the tribal areas in the districts of Erode, Coimbatore, Nilgiris, Dharmapuri, Krishnagiri and Salem, where Veerappan and his gang once ruled?
First the positives. The region has now got roads, electricity, primary health centres and ration shops. “As long as Veerappan was alive, most govtofficials didn’t have the guts to enter these areas.
Since his death, the state has been bringing tribals into mainstream, however small the efforts are,” says P Sivasubramaniam, the first Tamil journalist who met Veerappan in the early 1990s.
The second positive is a reduction in police atrocities. S Balamurugan, advocate and a member of People’s Union of Civil Liberties whose book ‘Sholagar Dhotti’ documents police brutality during the Veerappan hunt, says almost all the people arrested in the Veerappan case have either been acquitted or have died in prison.
A third positive is that the govt is giving pattas to at least some people who were displaced by the two-decadelong hunt for Veerappan. Arputharaj, coordinator of Karnataka State Martalli Tamil Association, says people who returned to their lands hoping to rebuild their lives find themselves being called encroachers.
“This is because when people left their villages, they didn’t have pattas. We are now fighting for pattas and in someplaces the govt has indeed given them,” he says.
Now, for the not-so-good changes since Veerappan was shot dead. Realtors have replaced the tribals who moved out of their homes, after being caught between Veerappan and police. Resorts have mushroomed without any regulation in the forests, says Sivasubramaniam.
Tribal activist V P Gunasekaran too says the tribals are being pushed out of their traditional habitations. “People from the mainland after buying lands here cultivate cash crops such as plantain, tomato instead of millets.
These cash crops consume a lot of water from the hills, which affects both people and wildlife,” he says. Even 18 years after the enactment of the Forest Rights Act (FRA), tribals are still facing difficulties in accessing minor forest produce like honey.
“So, young and old have moved to places such as Val parai and Munnarto work as labourers on tea estates,” says Gunasekaran. He wants a separate tribal development department instead of the portfolio being attached to the adi dravidar department. “Only then can tribals get at least priority group ration cards. Our counterparts in Karnataka are well taken care of. They even get eggs and ghee as rations,” he adds.
Karnataka has also created a new wildlife sanctuary, Malai Mahadeshwara, and launched a jungle safari in Cauvery wildlife sanctuary to woo tourists and create jobs for tribals.
No such measures have been taken in the Tamil Nadu part of the forests that Veerappan ruled over, says Sivasubramaniam. But tribals in Tamil Nadu are unhappy with the forest department for another reason.
“When Veerappan was alive, we used to take our cattle inside the forests for grazing. Then there were no restrictions. But now forest officials have started to fine us.
Because of such restrictions we end up selling our cattle,” says Govindan of Dharmapuri, who used to have more than 150 head of cat-tle. He now has just 20 to 30. However, Gunasekaran says that in places where forest officials have a humanitarian approach and are aware of the FRA, tribals get a better deal.
What about the younger generation? How does it see Veerappan? Anburaj, a former associate of Veerappan who spent 18 years in prison and now works with tribals in Anthiyur block of Erode district, says some caste and fringe political groups eulogise the forest brigand to reap political mileage. “Youth are falling prey to social media narratives.
Unless they undergo proper education, another Veerappan can rise in these forests,” says Anburaj. He wants a separate education system for tribals, alleging that the govt-run residential schools in tribal hamlets are ineffective as most teachers don’t want to work there.
For now, it appears rehabilitation of the victims of the Veerappan saga will not be complete even in another 20 years.
